Ladies and Gentlemen,

Allow me, first of all to express my sincere appreciation to all those who have responded to the Swedish government's gracious invitation to attend this ceremony commemorating the launch of the Middle East peace process, from Stockholm, capital of this ancient land, Sweden.

On this occasion, and on behalf of the Palestine Liberation Organization, the Palestine National Authority, the Palestinian people and myself personally, I would also like to extend my heartfelt thanks and deep appreciation to the Swedish government for the enormous effort it has invested in organizing and sponsoring this ceremony, and for allowing me the opportunity to speak before you today.

And allow me as well, to express my especial gratitude to my dear friend, Sten Andersson, that seasoned veteran and long-time companion along the path to peace, who has sacrificed so much of his time and energy in order to bring peace to our area that has suffered so greatly from war and destruction.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Some ten years ago, during the first week of December 1988, the city of Stockholm was the scene for a new and important change in the Arab - Israeli conflict. At the initiative of its then foreign minister, Sten Andersson, the Swedish government sponsored the first vital steps that brought together the different conflicting parties in the Middle East.

Sweden's good offices then succeeded in paving the way for the first dialogue between the P.L.O., the American-Jewish personalities and the administration, after a long political estrangement between the two sides. This step was to constitute the first link in the chain of events ultimately leading to the Madrid peace conference of 1991.

The success of Sweden's good offices also led to the consolidation of our continuing dialogue with all supporters of peace within the American jewish community, within the Israeli peace camp, and abroad.

But as we commemorate Sweden's groundbreaking and effective role in 1988, we must also recall Sweden's distinguished historical record in support of the cause of peace and justice in our area since 1948, and its traditional role as defender of all peoples struggle for freedom and independence whereever they may be.

It is no surprise therefore, that we should return to this gracious and hospitable land, to commemorate the past history of our common efforts in the cause of peace, and to reaffirm our total and unconditional commitment to renew these efforts to ensure the success of the peace process, and bring the ship of peace safely to shore.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We did not come to Stockholm today to tell you about the wounds of our history steeped with suffering and pain, with blood and grief. Nor did we come here merely to reiterate our rightful and legitimate demands for freedom and independence. Nor did we come, to accuse or criticize any party or quarter whatsoever. And we did not come here, to announce our negotiating demands or to disclose their details. Rather, we have come to this important engagement to make use of the opportunity it provides on the anniversary of the 1988 initiative in order to achieve a new and positive goal. That goal, is to develop a new and contemporary political discourse, one that we believe will be appropriate to the coming phase, and that we hope will strengthen the foundation of peace, and increase the chances ot fulfilling our aspirations from the current peace process in the Middle East.

As you konw, our region is witnessing a sustained and irreversible effort in the pursuit of peace in the Land of peace, the Holy Land. A just and comprehensive peace, a peace of the brave, that is our unwavering strategic choice. But we are very aware that the road to peace is still long and hard, and that we will face many difficult and acute challenges before we achieve our hopes. We also know that the era of peace is not the same as the era of war, and that the requirement of violent struggle are not those of the struggle for peace, and that the bitter struggle for peace, may be still harder and more difficult than the challenges of confrontation and war.

As we near negotiations over that which we treasure most in the final status talks, we find it necessary to develop some concepts and principles that will guide our political and negotiating approach, and that can serve as a broad framework for the talks. This framework is based on non-contentious universal political, moral and spiritual human values; such values that cannot be disputed or rejected, no matter what political or ideological differences there are between us.

From this perspective, we see that our first task is to undertake a qualitative change in our political discourse. This means the transition from the logic of war and confrontation to the logic of peace in our mutual dealings. For actions and words that may be appropriate to the era of war and confrontation can no longer be useful or appropriate in the era of peace and co-operation. Thus we call on all sides to restrain and modify their words and deeds, according to this principle and in support of it.

In this context, the transition from the logic of war to the logic of peace requires a readiness to reach an agreed settlement that is based on legitimacy, and international resolutions. We believe that a necessary condition for achieving peace in the region, is the recognition of the deep attachment of both the Palestinian and Israeli peoples to the peace of the brave in the Holy Land of Palestine. Consequently, there can be no just solution to the conflict without agreement on the existence of two states on this precious land; the state of Palestine alongside the state of Israel, co-existing by mutual agreement and acceptance, and in a manner that does not infringe on the vital interests of either side.

The transition from the logic of war to the logic of peace also requires both sides to refrain from violence or armed action or the use of war as a tool of policy in order to impose a settlement on other side.For our part, we wish to emphasize that the Palestinian side doues not seek today, and will not seek tomorrow, to enter into any military struggle or any arms race with Israel or with any other party in the area.

On a different level; for peace to endure, there can be no alternative but to acknowledge the principles of equality and reciprocity. It is self-evident to us, that any agreement must be based on the complete moral, political and legal equality between the two sides, for there can be no real meaning to peace in our view, without both sides' strictest commitment to the equality and mutuality of their obligations and rights.

Thus, each side is entitled to full and equal consideration of its national dignity, human rights and national aspirations. Equally, each side is entitled to fulfill its aspirations to live in peace and dignity on its own soil, within agreed, secure and recognized borders free from war or the threat of violence.

Furthermore, any resolution of the conflict must be based on principles of fairness and justice. There is no doubt that any agreement that is not based on a minimally achievable level of justice for both sides, will be neither stable nor durable nor sustainable. Nor will it stand the test of future challenges; indeed any agreement that ignores the principle of justice will merely sow the seed of bitter renewed conflict in the future rather than serve to end it.

Within this same context, we believe that the political and national rights of one side cannot be attained at the expense of the other, and that any settlement should allow for the Palestinian and Israeli peoples to live, work and move freely in any part of Palestine or Israel, without prejudice to the sovereign rights or laws of either side.

Among the principles that we hold true, is the need for a comprehensive settlement. Thus we believe that a final settlement should encompass all issues, as agreed in the agenda for final status talks, such that no issue is left without resolution, and nothing is left to stoke the fire of future conflict or give cause for it to be ignited anew.

Here we must also stress the necessity of a comprehensive settlement in the region as a whole. This should include all tracks, including the Lebanese and Syrian tracks, based on our starting point at the Madrid Conference of 1991, that is to say, based on international legitimacy especially UN resolutions 242 , 338, and 425 and the principle of land for peace.

We also believe that we cannnot build a just and durable peace, in the shadow of the raw balance of power or military might alone; for if political agreements are to prove lasting and durable they must correspond to legitimate needs and aspiration; such needs that cannot be addressed through reliance on naked force or domination alone.

It is necessary to pause here to give special attention to the issue of security. First of all, we wish to reaffirm that we are committed to everything that has been agreed upon till now in order to ensure that nothing will disturb the peace and stability of either side; and that no party will challenge the peace process or threaten its future; we are fully cognizant of the sensitivity of this issue, and of the depth of the fears of the Israeli people and their security concerns.

However, even as we reaffirm our belief in the importance of the security issue and the need for co-operation to ensure it, it is important to recognize that the Palestinian side has its own security fears and concerns and that the essence of security is mutuality; the security of one side cannot be obtained at the expense of other.

We believe, that each side has the equal right to live in peace and security free from war or violence, or the threat of war and violence, and that each side must endeavor to ensure that its territory shall not be used for military operations or violence or the threat of violence against the other side.

In addition, we believe that each side should refrain from military alliances or agreements that are aimed at the other side, or that threaten its security. For its part, the Palestinian side has no intention of joining such hostile military or political alliances or axes against any of the states in the area.

But we must state, quite frankly, that we believe that the security of one side cannot be attained through the occupation of another's territory and that the retention or annexation of territory under the guise of security will not reinforce the chances of peace, and will not constitute a real and effective response to possible future security threats.

Lastly, we believe that real security will spring from peaceful coexistence and normal interaction between peoples and states, and from the process of building common relations and interests, free from an environment of domination and intimidation, or the threat of force and violence, and free unilateral steps that undermine the interests of either party.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

These principles and values can be seen as forming a general framework that will guide our approach to final status issues. But there are also some operational principles that we would like to put to you today. We hope these will help to clarify and hasten the settlement to which we aspire; a settlement that encompasses the issues agreed at Oslo concerning the final phase that will follow the interim phase. This necessitates that every effort be made to reach an agreement and to delineate the borders of the Palestinian State before May 4, 1999.

First, there can be no alternative to resolving the disputed issues between the two sides except through negotiations, which result in a maturally acceptable and agreed settlement. For disputes can only be settled by negotiations.

Second, each side should refrain from taking unilateral actions that may threaten or undermine the outcome of the negotiations, especially the annexation of land and the building of settlements.

Third, the city of Jerusalem should be open to all its inhabitants without exception or discrimination, and should remain undivided by physical barriers, trenches or fortifications. We believe, that the vital interests of both sides in the Holy City, should be mututally recognized, and that both parties should acknowledge that there can be no resolution of the issue of Jerusalem without taking these interests into account.We must emphasize here the need to end attempts to change the character of Arab Jerusalem.

We also believe that any settlement should respect the legitimate religious rights of all communities and religions equally, and should ensure the safety and security of all their holy places wherever they may be.

Fourth, there can be no final settlement without a just and mutually acceptable solution for the refugee problem, those sons and daughters of ours who have been dispossessed and dispersed from their lands since 1948.

Fifth, and with regard to security; the Palestinian side is ready to consider any security arrangements that do not conflict with the principle of Palestinian sovereignty over Palestinian soil.

As we reaffirm that violence is not an option, we wish to emphasize that common and reciprocal security is our goal in building peace and peaceful coexistence.

Sixth, in return for a final agreement that ends the Israeli occupation of Palestinian land, we believe it will be possible to deal with Israeli security concerns via the following mechanisms:

- agreed arrangements on the ground,
- bi-lateral and multi-lateral agreements,
- international guarantees and agreements,
- and finally, last but not least, true reliance on the logic of peace.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

We believe that the values and principles that we have put forward today, constitute a sound basis for the attainment of a durable peace in the Middle East. And that if these values and principles were to be truly embodied and translated into reality by agreement in the final status accords, we would have fulfilled our national hopes and aspirations on the ground.

For these values and principles which have universal moral and human resonance, constitute no challenge, except to those who reject the logic of peace.

And present no threat, except to those who would deny human values, and hide nothing, but a genuine intention to enter the era of peace and turn the page on war and destruction.

And have no ulterior motive, but to carry the message of a peace of the brave to both the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, and bring them, after a century of conflict, the fruits of coexistence, stability and a just and comprehensive peace in the Middle East.

Thank you and may peace be upon you.