The death toll rises

Wednesday, September 10, 2003

Manipulated digital image by Robert Rosenberg

Israel retaliated for yesterday's two suicide bombings, which have so far claimed 15 lives, by sending warplanes over Gaza to bomb the home of Mohamed a Zahar, a leading political activist for the Hamas. But as has happened more than once in recent weeks when trying to strike a Hamas political leader, the Hamas man 'miraculously' escaped death, but people around him - in today's case, his son and a bodyguard - were killed, and at least 20 were wounded.

Prime Minster Ariel Sharon, who decided yesterday evening in India not to return home after the suicide bombing outside the Tsrifin military base, had just gone to sleep when word of the Jerusalem café bombing arrived. He decided that the two bombings required his return home, which was expected tonight or tomorrow morning at the latest. Meanwhile, he went to a number of his planned meetings this morning in India, and received warm condolences messages from his Indian interlocutors.

Upon his return, said the Israeli press this morning, the issues on the agenda are a 'much stiffer than ever' retaliation for the suicide bombings, possibly a major ground operation against the Hamas in Gaza (even though the two bombers were school friends from the West Bank village of Rantis, where the army was operating today) or, as many voices in the government were demanding, the expulsion of Yasser Arafat. None of those promoting Arafat's expulsion explain how that can be done without harming him - or him harming himself - and more importantly, how it will reduce the levels of violence. Nor has anyone explained how the assassinations of the current Hamas political leadership prevent the rise of anew, angrier leadership. There were hints in the press today that an African country has promised Israel that it would take Arafat in, and that Egypt would also consider providing him with a comfortable retirement. But nobody believes Arafat out of the country will spend his final years in quiet retirement - and that his expulsion would pass quietly in the territories or indeed the Arab world.

On the Palestinian side, the air attack in Gaza, with its collateral damage and failure to actually kill Zahar, relieved pressure on Ahmed Qurei' and Jibril Rajoub - suddenly a new favorite on Israeli TV and radio current events programs - to charge that while they oppose the terror of yesterday, today's attacks were no less obstructive to the peace process. Rajoub told Israel Radio's Arab affairs correspondent that the PA wants to undertake cease-fire talks immediately, as the only way out of the cycle of violence. Qurei', still trying to shore up international support for the conditions he is presenting Israel if he becomes prime minister, also issued a statement condemning the bombings - and today's Gaza attack - saying that a resumption of the political process is the only way to end the violence.

But from India, even before the bombings has come word that Israel will not accept any conditions posed by Qurei', with 'a senior source close to the prime minister' saying that Israel has 'only one expectation from Qurei' if he wants to undertake political dialogue with Israel - first the PA must battle the terror organizations, end the incitement, and disarm the terrorist infrastructures.'

Yesterday's bombings meanwhile prompted Finance Minister Binyamin Netanyahu to suddenly declare he has been promoting a separation fence for the last two years. Speaking on Israel Radio, he said that he 'just last week' authorized half a billion shekels for the fence, and that it should go up 'irrespective of international protests, along the lines we decide upon.' But that's precisely the rub - the government has been unable to decide on a route, because Sharon, more than anything else, has made not quarreling with Washington the cornerstone of his foreign - and domestic - policies. And Washington, no matter how much sympathy it has for Israel's plight with terrorism at its door, has already vetoed any route for the fence that deviates much from the Green Line.

The Other Israel edited by Tom Segev, and published in September 2002, is a selection of essays, articles, and other jouranlist writings by a range of Israeli voices articulating practical, legal, and moral dissent to the Israeli government. The book questions popular assumptions about Israel's true supporters: are they those who support occupation, settlement and reprisal, or those calling for reconciliation and a just settlement? The book challenges the narrow perception that Zionism means taking over 'Judea, Samaria and the Gaza dsitrict.' Contributing writers include: David Grossman * Amira Hass * Avi Shlaim * Ilan Pappe * Gideon Levy * Meron Benvenisti * Neve Gordon * Shulamit Aloni * Baruch Kimmerling * Ami Ayalon * Ze'ev Sternhell * Gila Svirsky * Uri Avnery

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