July 30 2002 Many, may years ago, at a small dinner party hosted by a former U.S. ambassador to an Arab country, who was visiting Jerusalem, I met a leading Palestinian intellectual, a university professor whose wife als taught in university. Both were Western educated, and taught Western subjects -- politicial science and English literature. This was long before the first intifada, in the early 1980s when the settlement boom was underway, orchestrated by Ariel Sharon, then the defense minister.
I commented to the Palestinian couple that I could not understand how the Palestinian national liberation movement could allow Palestinians to be the construction workers on the settlements. Instead of paying for a strike fund, to provide some subsistence for the Palestinian workers who would refuse to build the settlements, the Palestinian national liberation movement, known as the PLO, preferred to pay off the families of people arrested for violent action. 'Violence won't convince a democracy. Non-violence will,' I suggested to them. The epic movie of Gandhi's life had just come out, and I suggested that the PLO invest in putting up TV screens and VCRs in Palestinian villages, to show the movie for free to the Palestinians.
'Very interesting,' said the Palestinian, 'but the workers have to make a living.'
'Okay,' I said, 'but then just don't call it national liberation.'
This is by way of a prologue to a fascinating two-part essay sent into Ariga by William J. Thomson, a veteran non-violent activist from the U.S., about how Palestinians could (should?) be using non-violence as a far more effective resistance method than violence, if they intend to prove to Israelis that peace is possible. It is highly recommended reading, particularly by Palestinians. Although I've reached the point where on the one hand I think the American gvernment should impose the obvious two-state solution, and on the other I think that any outside intervention is due to fail since it will be rational and both sides have reached a dangerous degree of irrationality, non-violent civil disobedience and resistance emains the most effective tool for persuading democraciesto change. Non-violence probably cannot work to change socities run by totalitarian governments. Gandhi was naive to believe that non-violence would work in Nazi Germany, where there was no free press to report on it, but was correct in knowing it would work in British society, where the newsreels showed the dignity of nonviolent disobedience against the blatant stupidity of the imperial government. Israel is a democracy, as flawed as any democracy and probably more so than most, but it does have a free press (even if it turns jingoistic at tiems of conflict) and the press is free to report on events in the territories. And Palestinian non-violent civil disobedience and resistance could work. The International Solidarity Movement, unfrtunately, won't work, because their efforts won't convince Israelis that it's the Palestinians who have chosen non-violence. The Case for Palestinian Nonviolent Direct Action by
William J. Thomson
July 29 2002The Tanzim Declaration This document reached Ariga and purports to be the unilateral, unconditonal cease-fire declaration planned by the Tanzim and foiled by the bombing of Hamas miltiary commander Salah Shehadeh, which killed 15 people and wounded more than 100 in Gaza. I cannot confirm its authenticity, but it is a powerful statement that if indeed were to be released as an official declaration, perhaps with a public press conference where the people who drafted it answer questions, it could be the kind of breakthrough statement needed to at least begin the process of breaking the cycle of violence. To the declaration.
Yosef Ye'ish Goldman, an Orthodox Jewish student of Middle Eastern descent (Yemen, Syria), living in New York City, writes that he is a member of a student organization called Mima'amikim (trans. "from the depths"), which is dedicated to exploring the creative expression of the religious Jewish experience, particularly in poetry. "We also organize periodic concerts of young Jewish musicians and poetry readings. This past year we decided that the artistic media of creative expression may be a way for us to overcome our sense of tragic helplessness in the face of the terrible world political arena. My grandparents were from Muslim countries in the Middle East, so I grew up hearing Arabic spoken, Middle Eastern Music and food is in my blood. I grew up in and Orthodox Jewish home, yet my parents had Muslim and Arab friends ... We are planning a Jewish- Muslim poetry reading in New York City. Several Mima'amakim members and other young Jews are already eager to participate. However, we need help accessing Muslim poets. I am deeply commited to putting such a program together, despite what may arise, may God protect us, in the political arena. I do not have any agenda other than gathering Jews and Muslims (and Arabs) together to share art and creative experience."
If you can help him and his group out, please write to him directly
July 24 2002 NEW SURVEY - LARGE MAJORITY OF SETTLERS WILL ACCEPT COMPENSATION
In a press conference today, Peace Now presented a study of
the attitudes of the settlers towards withdrawal from the territories.
The study, unprecedented in its scope and its depth (3,200 households in
127 settlements), reveals: More than 2/3 (68%) of the settlers will obey a democratic decision
for withdrawal and only the smallest of minorities (6%) will resist such
an order. Only 2% will resist with all means.
An absolute majority (59%) of the settlers view financial compensation
as the preferred solution.
The vast majority (77%) of settlers chose to live in a settlement for
reasons of "quality of life."
Links to Executive Summaries: English Word document || Hebrew Word document
||
More information (in English) also available at Peace Now's web site
July 23, 2002The assassination of Salah Shehadeh, mililtary commander of the Hamas in Gaza also killed 11 other people, mostly children. Even extreme right wingers in Israel, like Knesset Member Benny Elon, said a warning should have been given to the residents of the building where Shahadeh was hiding.
The assassination came at a time when there were some tentative, hesitant, cautious, and probably useless but worth a try meetings between Israeli and Palestinian officials, as well as some diplomatic efforts on the part of the Quartet -- U.S., UN, EU and Russia -- to move things forward. It also came at a time when Gaza, where Shehadeh was based, has been relatively quiet.
Shehadeh was, indeed, responsible for the deaths of many, perhaps hundreds, of Israelis, as the mastermind of Hamas armed resistance, and a believer that the Jews only have rights as dhimmi, a second-class protected status for favored non-Muslims in Islamic states. However, his assassination at this time, and under the circumstances he was killed (a missile attack on a residential building) is guaranteed to result in even more Hamas attacks on Israelis. It is reminscent of the assassination of Ihiye Ayash, "the engineer," who had retired from the terrorism business, but the Shin Bet nonetheless went ahead with his assasssination in early 1996, resulting, 40 days later (the Islamic mourning period), in a spate of bus bombings that killed diozens of Israelis -- and propelling Bibi Netanyahu into office, and beginning the end of the Oslo process. As now, the justification was that Israel must hunt down all the killers.
Behind the wheel of a car, being in the right is not an excuse if you are driving stupidly. Fortunately or unfortunately, the practices and policies of the current Israeli government prove that Theodor Herzl was right -- when the Jews have a state of their own, they will be a normal people, which means we'll be as stupid as everyone else. (R.R)
July 10 2002 (Please note that as of July 22, Sari Nusseibeh's ofice has been reopened.) Raise Your Voice Against the Closure of the Office of the President of Al-Quds University, Prof. Sari Nusseibeh
-- a message from Gershon Baskin, co director of Israel/Palestine Center for Research and Information
Yesterday morning Uzi Landau, the Israeli Minister of Internal Security ordered the Jerusalem Police to close the Administrative Offices of Al-Quds University in Jerusalem. This is the office of one of the main civil society Palestinian peace leaders Prof. Sari Nusseibeh. Prof. Nusseibeh was abroad at the time of the closure participating in a meeting with civil society peace leaders from Israel.
Last month Prof. Nusseibeh initiated the petition that was published over the course of a week in the Palestinian newspaper Al Quds against suicide bombers. Prof. Nusseibeh is an active participant and leading figure in many peace activities including activities under the umbrella of IPCRI. In addition to the closure, the Police and the Shin Bet confiscated of all of the books, papers, and equipment from Sari's office, including all of his personal papers.
Minister Landau stated on radio that Nusseibeh was carrying out illegal activities in his office as an arm of the Palestinian Authority. Prof. Sari does hold the Jerusalem portfolio in the framework of the PLO but does not represent the Palestinian Authority nor is he part of it. The irony of Landau's action is that it is predicated on the "Law for the Implementation of the Oslo Agreements." This law was enacted by the Knesset to facilitate the legal implementation of the creation of the Palestinian Authority. For the most part, the law was used to prevent the PA from working in Jerusalem. Landau was and still is one of the main opponents of the peace and Oslo within the Likud.
We would like to ask you to raise your voice against this action. It seems that people like Uzi Landau cannot tolerate a Palestinian leader who sincerely seeks peace. Just a few days ago Prof. Sari said that he feared that the Israeli Government will work on preventing his activities for peace.
I spoke with Justice Minister Meir Shitreet yesterday at 3:00 pm about the closure of the office. He had not heard about it. Shitreet is a member of the Cabinet, he said that there was no discussion about it in the Cabinet. He promised to raise the issue with Sharon. He clearly stated that this was a wrong move and that it is important to encourage the moderate voices in Palestine.
I also spoke with MK Yossi Katz, Chairman of the Knesset Central Committee and a member of the Labour Party. He promised to raise the issue in the highest forum of the Labour Party in order to reach a Party decision to protest the closure.
By chance I had a meeting yesterday with a senior advisor of the Minister of Defense. I also raised the issue with him. He too didn't know anything about a decision to close Sari's office.
The Compassionate Listening Project has just released its July newsletter, which I'm reposting here for those who have never heard of this program. They bring together "ordinary" people (as if anyone is ordinary) to learn to listen to the other side, which is a good first step to peacemaking. It's a citizen's diplomacy project, which in the long run makes the most sense for making peace, instead of just ending violence. Click through on the links from the reposted newsletter, to get the full picture.
July 7 2002 Michele F. Cooper is back with five poems
July 2 2002 Israeli violations of human rights and international humanitarian law in the occupied Palestinian territories a presentation to a Hearing on "EU-Israel Bilateral Relations in the Framework of International and European Law" at the European Parliament, by Jeff Halper, coordinator of the Israeli Committee Against House Demolitions.
"I would like to begin my presentation by talking about "sides." There is a perception -- indeed, an expectation -- that Israelis and Palestinians will be on separate, conflicting and irreconcilable "sides" of what is called the "Israeli-Palestinian Conflict." There is a committee of the European Parliament that liasons with the Palestinian "side," and another that liasons with the Israeli "side." I would like to declare at the outset that I do not locate myself on either of those "sides." For me, as an Israeli Jew, "sides" mean something different altogether. I am on the "side" of Israelis and Palestinians who seek a just peace that addresses Palestinian rights of self-determination as well as Israeli concerns of security and regional integration. I am on the "side" that stands for equality, human rights, democracy, peaceful co-existence and regional economic development. To be sure, there is another "side," those Israelis and Palestinians that advocate exclusivity, conflict, a win-lose mentality and continued injustice and suffering. That is the way the "sides" divide, not Palestinian-Israeli. To the rest of the article...